Word-prosodic typology
Numerous proposals have been advanced as to how prosodic systems should be typologised. In this paper I distinguish two prototype systems, tone and stress accent, which, unlike systems analysed as ‘pitch accent’, have two inviolable, definitional properties: (i) obligatoriness (every word has at lea...
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Published in: | Phonology Vol. 23; no. 2; pp. 225 - 257 |
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Main Author: | |
Format: | Book Review Journal Article |
Language: | English |
Published: |
Cambridge, UK
Cambridge University Press
01-08-2006
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Subjects: | |
Online Access: | Get full text |
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Summary: | Numerous proposals have been advanced as to how prosodic systems should be typologised. In this paper I distinguish two prototype systems, tone and stress accent, which, unlike systems analysed as ‘pitch accent’, have two inviolable, definitional properties: (i) obligatoriness (every word has at least one stress accent); (ii) syllable-dependency (the stress-bearing unit is necessarily the syllable). In contrast, the oft-cited criterion of culminativity (every word has at most one tone/accent) not only includes tone/accent systems that are neither obligatory nor syllable-dependent, but also culminative non-prosodic features that are clearly not accentual. I argue that there is no one pitch-accent prototype. Instead, since tone and stress accent may co-occur, and since languages may ‘pick and choose’ between the non-definitional properties that tend to cluster within the tone vs. stress-accent prototypes, there is a range of intermediate (and possibly indeterminate) word-prosodic systems which may or may not be best seen as ‘types’. |
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Bibliography: | PII:S0952675706000893 istex:3EB71FC5EF7D2C5BEE6E7567B211AA3DD38A1661 ark:/67375/6GQ-BRZPJGFN-D ObjectType-Article-1 SourceType-Scholarly Journals-1 ObjectType-Feature-2 content type line 23 |
ISSN: | 0952-6757 1469-8188 |
DOI: | 10.1017/S0952675706000893 |