Mobilization by Different Means: Nativity and GOTV in the United States
We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the-vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.-born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among natural...
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| Published in: | The International migration review Vol. 48; no. 3; pp. 710 - 727 |
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| Format: | Journal Article |
| Language: | English |
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| Abstract | We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the-vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.-born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among naturalized Asian Americans but had no measureable effect among U.S.-born Asian Americans. Race politics scholars have long argued that the terms we use to describe ethnoracial groups mask significant internal heterogeneity. We show how this heterogeneity affects voter mobilization, demonstrating the importance of seeing nativity and national origin as critical lines of demarcation that affect how certain individuals are mobilized to participate in politics.² |
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| AbstractList | We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the-vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.-born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among naturalized Asian Americans but had no measureable effect among U.S.-born Asian Americans. Race politics scholars have long argued that the terms we use to describe ethnoracial groups mask significant internal heterogeneity. We show how this heterogeneity affects voter mobilization, demonstrating the importance of seeing nativity and national origin as critical lines of demarcation that affect how certain individuals are mobilized to participate in politics. Adapted from the source document. We compare the impact of 15 randomized get‐out‐the‐vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.‐born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.‐born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among naturalized Asian Americans but had no measureable effect among U.S.‐born Asian Americans. Race politics scholars have long argued that the terms we use to describe ethnoracial groups mask significant internal heterogeneity. We show how this heterogeneity affects voter mobilization, demonstrating the importance of seeing nativity and national origin as critical lines of demarcation that affect how certain individuals are mobilized to participate in politics. We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the-vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.-born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among naturalized Asian Americans but had no measureable effect among U.S.-born Asian Americans. Race politics scholars have long argued that the terms we use to describe ethnoracial groups mask significant internal heterogeneity. We show how this heterogeneity affects voter mobilization, demonstrating the importance of seeing nativity and national origin as critical lines of demarcation that affect how certain individuals are mobilized to participate in politics.[We use the] We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the-vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.-born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among naturalized Asian Americans but had no measureable effect among U.S.-born Asian Americans. Race politics scholars have long argued that the terms we use to describe ethnoracial groups mask significant internal heterogeneity. We show how this heterogeneity affects voter mobilization, demonstrating the importance of seeing nativity and national origin as critical lines of demarcation that affect how certain individuals are mobilized to participate in politics. 2 We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the‐ ;vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.-born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among naturalized Asian Americans but had no measureable effect among U.S.-born Asian Americans. Race politics scholars have long argued that the terms we use to describe ethnoracial groups mask significant internal heterogeneity. We show how this heterogeneity affects voter mobilization, demonstrating the importance of seeing nativity and national origin as critical lines of demarcation that affect how certain individuals are mobilized to participate in politics.[We use the] We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the-vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased turnout among U.S.-born Latinos, but had no measurable effect among Latino naturalized citizens. In contrast, GOTV increased turnout among naturalized Asian Americans but had no measureable effect among U.S.-born Asian Americans. Race politics scholars have long argued that the terms we use to describe ethnoracial groups mask significant internal heterogeneity. We show how this heterogeneity affects voter mobilization, demonstrating the importance of seeing nativity and national origin as critical lines of demarcation that affect how certain individuals are mobilized to participate in politics.² |
| Author | García Bedolla, Lisa Michelson, Melissa R. |
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| Copyright | 2014 Center for Migration Studies, New York, Inc. 2014 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved. Copyright Blackwell Publishers Inc. Fall 2014 |
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| Notes | ark:/67375/WNG-9NF244K5-7 An earlier version of this paper was delivered at the May 4, 2012 meeting of the Politics of Race, Immigration and Ethnicity Consortium (PRIEC), San Diego, CA. We are grateful to Jane Junn, Benjamin Bishin and other PRIEC participants, as well as the anonymous reviewers of International Migration Review, for their helpful comments. This research was funded by The James Irvine Foundation as part of its California Votes Initiative (CVI). For more information on the CVI, see http://www.irvine.org/grantmaking/our-programs/californiademocracy/civicengagement/californiavotesinitiative. The James Irvine Foundation bears no responsibility for the content of this article. ArticleID:IMRE12067 istex:DC27A98B39D6947375FABB308F0171FE1C0F688D ObjectType-Article-1 SourceType-Scholarly Journals-1 ObjectType-Feature-2 content type line 23 |
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| Snippet | We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the-vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization increased... We compare the impact of 15 randomized get‐out‐the‐vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.‐born voters. We find that mobilization increased... We compare the impact of 15 randomized get-out-the‐ ;vote (GOTV) field experiments on naturalized and U.S.-born voters. We find that mobilization... |
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| SubjectTerms | Asian Americans Citizens Citizenship Comparative analysis Control groups Demonstrations Experiments Field work Heterogeneity Hispanic Americans Hispanics Immigration Intellectuals International migration Mobilization Naturalization Political campaigns Politics Race Social mobilization U.S.A United States of America Voter behavior Voter registration Voter turnout Voters Voting |
| Title | Mobilization by Different Means: Nativity and GOTV in the United States |
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