From hiatus to diphthong: the evolution of vowel sequences in Romance

Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong–hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French...

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Published in:Phonology Vol. 24; no. 1; pp. 37 - 75
Main Authors: Chitoran, Ioana, Hualde, José Ignacio
Format: Journal Article
Language:English
Published: Cambridge, UK Cambridge University Press 2007
Cambridge University Press (CUP)
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Abstract Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong–hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural ‘attractor’ effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages.
AbstractList Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong--hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural 'attractor' effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages.
Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong-hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural 'attractor' effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages. Adapted from the source document
Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia ). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong–hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural ‘attractor’ effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages.
Author Chitoran, Ioana
Hualde, José Ignacio
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  fullname: Hualde, José Ignacio
  organization: University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
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Copyright Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2007
Copyright 2007 Cambridge University Press
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Issue 1
Keywords diphthong
Romance languages
phonology
hiatus
Language English
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Snippet Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with...
Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia ). We study five Romance varieties with...
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StartPage 37
SubjectTerms Cognitive science
Diphthongs
Intuition
Language
Lexical stress
Linguistics
Phonetics
Phonology
Sound change
Syllables
Vowels
Words
Title From hiatus to diphthong: the evolution of vowel sequences in Romance
URI https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S095267570700111X/type/journal_article
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4420290
https://search.proquest.com/docview/85674960
https://u-paris.hal.science/hal-01226131
Volume 24
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