From hiatus to diphthong: the evolution of vowel sequences in Romance
Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong–hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French...
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Published in: | Phonology Vol. 24; no. 1; pp. 37 - 75 |
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Language: | English |
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Cambridge, UK
Cambridge University Press
2007
Cambridge University Press (CUP) |
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Abstract | Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong–hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural ‘attractor’ effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages. |
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AbstractList | Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong--hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural 'attractor' effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages. Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong-hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural 'attractor' effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages. Adapted from the source document Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia ). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong–hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural ‘attractor’ effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages. |
Author | Chitoran, Ioana Hualde, José Ignacio |
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Cites_doi | 10.1017/CBO9780511612886 10.1017/S0954394500123014 10.2307/20063061 10.1515/9783110853063.173 10.2307/310585 10.4324/9780203427330 10.1017/CBO9780511620645 10.1515/9783110889185 10.1177/00238309030460020501 10.1075/tsl.45.08pie 10.1017/CBO9780511992827 10.1017/CBO9780511486357 10.1159/000261913 10.4324/9780203168004 10.1515/ling.2002.010 10.7551/mitpress/2024.001.0001 10.1515/TLR.2006.010 10.1121/1.418332 10.1515/prbs.2001.005 10.1075/cilt.272.11mar 10.1017/S0952675707001145 10.1515/prbs.2004.16.2.113 10.1007/978-94-009-2037-8_16 10.5565/rev/catjl.47 10.1016/S0167-6393(99)00003-5 10.1017/S0952675700001019 10.1075/la.99.09cab 10.1515/TL.2006.009 |
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Keywords | diphthong Romance languages phonology hiatus |
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Snippet | Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with... Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia ). We study five Romance varieties with... |
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StartPage | 37 |
SubjectTerms | Cognitive science Diphthongs Intuition Language Lexical stress Linguistics Phonetics Phonology Sound change Syllables Vowels Words |
Title | From hiatus to diphthong: the evolution of vowel sequences in Romance |
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